Are the Effects of Piano and Music Education Real? Thinking It Through with Evidence
Why this topic is on your mind
“Having children learn music makes them smarter”: a phrase often seen in parenting books and in piano class brochures. Around age 4 is when many families consider activities such as piano, eurhythmics, and violin. That is exactly why several questions come up that make it hard to decide.
- Is “music is good for the brain” true? What age is best to start?
- Is it a fact that learning piano raises IQ?
- How true is the story that playing Mozart to children makes them smarter?
- Paying monthly fees and keeping a child company in daily practice: are there “effects” worth that investment?
- If “other abilities don’t grow”, is there any point in having a child learn piano?
This theme is an area where research has not settled on a single conclusion. That is why we set out, in order, “what Study A says”, “what Study B says”, and “how to read them”.
What does the research say?
The relationship between music education and cognitive ability is a theme that has been examined repeatedly for more than 20 years. Here we put two major lines of research pointing in different directions side by side and set out how to read them.
Study A: A small IQ increase was observed with piano and voice lessons
An experiment that randomly assigned 144 6-year-olds to four groups, a piano lesson group, a voice lesson group, a drama lesson group, and a no-lesson group, and compared IQ after 36 weeks
is one study that drew particular attention in music education research.
The result was that the full-scale IQ of the groups that received piano or voice lessons rose by about 3 points more than that of the control groups. The effect size was small, but it is reported to have appeared uniformly in IQ subscales and in standard achievement tests.
Because it showed, with a relatively rigorous design of random assignment, that “music lessons may have a small positive effect on cognitive ability”, this study became the starting point of the debate that followed.
Study B: In meta-analyses, “transfer to other abilities” could barely be confirmed
On the other hand, in the ten-plus years after Schellenberg, many replications and related studies were carried out around the world. The following meta-analyses attempted to set out the overall picture.
A meta-analysis integrating 38 studies (3,085 participants in total) examining cognitive transfer from music training in children and adolescents
showed that the overall effect size was only d=0.16 (very small), and moreover that the higher the quality of study design, the smaller the effect. The researchers concluded that “it cannot be said that music training reliably raises children’s cognitive abilities or school performance”.
Furthermore, in a follow-up multilevel meta-analysis by the same authors integrating 54 studies (6,984 participants in total), it was reported that once the quality of study design is controlled for, the effect of music training programs converges to almost zero. The result was that small significant differences were seen only in studies without random assignment or studies comparing with control groups that did no activity.
In other words, the effect of music training itself “developing other cognitive abilities (IQ, memory, reading comprehension, math, etc.)” is not strongly supported at present.
Note that, in response to Sala & Gobet’s conclusions, reanalyses and rebuttals have since come from Bigand & Tillmann (2021) and others, arguing that “the methodological controls may be overly strict” and that “effects are seen in programs where children actually play an instrument”, and this point is still being debated in academia today.
How to read Study A and Study B
At first glance, these two sets of research results seem to contradict each other head-on. But reading them carefully shows that they answer questions at different levels, each with its own method.
Study A: Schellenberg (2004)
Single RCT, n=144
A rigorous randomized experiment carried out in one laboratory. Detected a small IQ increase (about 3 points) with 9 months of music lessons. Showed that 'when conditions are right, small effects can sometimes be observed'.
Study B: Sala & Gobet (2017, 2020)
Meta-analyses, n=3,085 / 6,984
Meta-analyses that gathered dozens of studies and re-examined the whole picture. Once the quality of studies is evened out, the effect almost disappears. Showed that 'averaging research from around the world, reproducible spillover effects cannot be confirmed'.
How to integrate them
Editorial summary
It cannot be said that 'learning music will definitely develop other abilities too'. On the other hand, small positive effects can sometimes appear under particular conditions. The most honest reading at present is to sum it up as <strong>the main effect of music lessons lying in 'music itself'</strong>.
In other words, the proposition that “having a child learn piano makes them smarter” is not supported by research as a whole at present. But neither is it at all the case that “piano has no meaning”: this is the conclusion that comes from putting the research side by side.
The Mozart effect: a famous story that spread and was later corrected
When talking about music and cognitive ability, the “Mozart effect” cannot be avoided.
An experiment in which 36 university students listened to a Mozart piano sonata (K.448) for 10 minutes and their performance on a spatial reasoning task was then measured
was published in Nature as a one-page short report. The result was that “immediately after listening to Mozart, performance on a spatial reasoning test temporarily rose a little”.
However, this study was greatly stretched in the media into “listening to Mozart makes you smarter” and “it’s good for prenatal education too”. The author herself later repeatedly explained that this was “strictly a temporary effect of 10 to 15 minutes on a particular spatial task, not an increase in IQ in general”.
After that, several replications and comprehensive meta-analyses (e.g., Pietschnig, Voracek & Formann, 2010) were carried out, showing that the strong claim that “listening to Mozart makes you smarter” is not supported, and that the small effects observed can most likely be explained by “an increase in mood or arousal”.
“Mozart for prenatal education” and “babies will get smarter if they listen to it”: these are now summed up, in research terms, as popular beliefs that are not supported.
While effects related to music itself are strongly supported by research, claims of the 'music makes you smarter in other abilities too' kind tend to shrink or disappear as research accumulates.
Source: Editorial summary of Schellenberg (2004), Sala & Gobet (2017, 2020), Pietschnig et al. (2010), and others
Even so, do piano and music education have value?
Reading only this far, you may feel “so is there no point in having my child learn piano?” But research does not go as far as saying “music education itself has no value”. Rather, the conclusion after summing up is that “as long as you don’t mistake the purpose, piano is a fully worthwhile activity”.
Value 1: Enjoying music itself and acquiring it as a skill
If you set aside “whether it transfers to other abilities”, becoming able to play the piano, read sheet music, and take part in ensembles is itself fine learning. Sala & Gobet’s meta-analyses do not deny that “musical skills are indeed acquired as musical skills (near-transfer happens)”. What is denied is strictly the part about “spillover to schoolwork and intelligence outside music”.
Value 2: The experience of continuing for a long time and making an effort
Sitting down to practice every day even for 10 minutes, taking on difficult pieces, preparing toward the goal of a recital: these experiences of continuing and self-regulation can be substituted by activities other than piano, but music is one subject that fits them well. It cannot be said that “music is especially effective because it’s music”, but it can be said that “it works well with music too”.
Value 3: Time for parent and child to enjoy together, and emotional experiences
What Schellenberg himself repeatedly showed in later papers is that musical activities are relatively visibly connected not to intelligence but to “social skills, emotions, and self-concept”. Getting through the nerves before a recital together, being delighted at becoming able to play a favorite piece: experiences like these are hard to quantify, but they definitely remain for the family.
Actually, I was about to sign up for a class trial expecting that “learning piano makes children smarter”. From what you’ve said, it’s better not to expect too much from that?
Yes, the effect of “clearly raising IQ or school performance” isn’t strongly supported by research as a whole at present. But that doesn’t at all mean “piano has no value”. If you expect it to be “a tool for developing other abilities”, it tends to feel lacking, but for the purpose of “enjoying and acquiring music itself”, piano is a very good option.
But is 4 too early in the first place? Should we wait a little longer?
There’s no strong evidence showing an optimal age such as “starting at this age has the most effect on IQ”. On the other hand, around age 4 is a time when children love sound play, rhythm play, and songs, so if your child enjoys it, it’s fine to start. Conversely, forcing her to continue when she doesn’t want to comes with no research guarantee that anything will grow especially.
So it’s fine to quit if she doesn’t want to. Hearing that makes me feel a little more at ease.
Yes. Rather than continuing out of a sense of obligation such as “since we went to the trouble of starting” or “until we see effects”, keeping your child in a state where she thinks “I want to play again” matters far more. If she wants to continue, it’ll last a long time; if not, there are other ways of being involved with music. That’s fine.
What to do if you actually go ahead
Based on the research, here are points that help when bringing piano and music education into the home.
1. Reset the purpose from “to become smart” to “to enjoy music”
This is the biggest turning point. If you think of it as “an investment to raise IQ”, you are likely to get anxious about results you can’t see. If you reset the purpose to “bringing music itself into your child’s life”, the meaning of each weekly lesson changes.
2. Make “whether she is enjoying it” the main indicator
What can be said clearly in research terms is that there is no guarantee cognitive abilities will grow dramatically if a child continues reluctantly. Conversely, if your child is enjoying it, it definitely remains as musical skill (near transfer), and the more she continues, the more it builds up. Just asking “How was today’s lesson?” or “Which piece do you like?” gives you material for deciding whether to continue or stop.
3. Value “frequency of contact” over amount of practice
At ages 4 to 6, having time to touch the piano every day, even for 5 minutes, is a design that is easier to sustain than 30 minutes of formal practice every day. A stance of playing longer on days when she thinks “I want to play more” lasts longer in the end.
4. Make use of settings with “goals” and “peers”, such as recitals and ensembles
Piano tends to center on individual practice, but recitals, performances in front of the family, ensembles in eurhythmics classes: having experiences of “someone listening to you” greatly changes a child’s motivation. How many such opportunities are included in the monthly fee is a perspective for choosing a class.
5. Decide from the start that it’s fine to quit
“It’s pointless unless she continues for three years” or “quitting partway won’t build grit”: anxieties like these have little basis in research. If parent and child promise from the start that “if it stops being fun, we’ll talk about it, and it’s fine to quit”, the period of continuing also becomes healthier. Even after quitting, ways of being involved with music continue, such as singing favorite songs or trying another instrument.
Closing dialogue
Somehow the way I see piano has completely changed. Until now I’d been trying to choose with a perspective like “a ranking of activities that make you smart”, but I think I’ll first see whether she enjoys it.
I think that reset of perspective matters more than anything. Piano as “a tool for developing other abilities” doesn’t have as much effect as is expected, in research terms. But piano as a path to “becoming someone who can enjoy music itself” has value that never changes.
Also, the idea of deciding from the start that “it’s fine to quit” was new to me. With that, I think I can watch over her without getting worked up myself.
Yes, a mother not getting worked up actually has a big bearing on whether her child can keep liking music. Children come to like piano much more when “Mom listens happily” than when “Mom listens with a stern face”.
Research details
Primary sourcesStudy design: Randomized controlled trial (RCT)
Participants: 144 6-year-olds (randomly assigned to four groups: piano / voice / drama / no lessons), 36-week intervention
Main results: The groups that received piano or voice lessons had an increase in full-scale IQ about 3 points larger than the control groups (the effect is small, but was observed uniformly in IQ subscales and standard achievement tests too). Meanwhile, the drama group showed a large improvement in adaptive social behavior.
Limitations: A single experiment in a single laboratory. The sample size is medium. The effect size is small, and an equivalent effect has not been reproduced in later large meta-analyses.
Study design: Meta-analysis
Scope: 38 studies (3,085 participants in total) testing cognitive transfer from music training in children and adolescents
Main results: The overall effect size is d=0.16 (very small). In subcategories, intelligence-related d=0.35 and memory-related d=0.34 are somewhat larger, but the higher the quality of study design (randomization, quality of control groups), the smaller the effect (an inverse correlation). Concludes that “it cannot be said that music training reliably raises children’s cognitive abilities or school performance, and past positive results are likely due to confounding variables”.
Limitations: The quality of the studies included in the meta-analysis varies. The content of interventions (instrument, duration, teaching method) is also diverse.
Study design: Multilevel meta-analysis
Scope: 54 studies (6,984 participants in total) testing the cognitive and academic effects of music training
Main results: Once the quality of study design is controlled for, the overall effect of music training programs converges to almost zero. Small significant differences were observed only in studies without random assignment or studies comparing with control groups that did no activity. The authors conclude that “spillover effects of music training on cognition are almost nonexistent, or extremely small if present”.
Limitations: Reanalyses and rebuttals concerning the meta-analytic method and the types of intervention (distinguishing instrumental performance from others) have come from later work such as Bigand & Tillmann (2021). The debate is still ongoing.
Study design: A short-report experimental study
Participants: 36 university students (crossover across a Mozart listening condition / a relaxation audio condition / a silence condition)
Main results: Immediately after listening to Mozart’s piano sonata K.448 for 10 minutes, performance on a spatial reasoning task (part of the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale) rose temporarily by the equivalent of about 8 to 9 points. The effect disappeared within about 10 to 15 minutes. The authors cautiously described it not as “an increase in IQ” but as “a temporary improvement in performance on a particular spatial task”.
Limitations: A one-off experiment with university students; it cannot be generalized to children or infants. Later replications and meta-analyses (Pietschnig et al., 2010, and others) have not confirmed strong reproducibility. Extended interpretations such as “playing Mozart to children makes them smarter” or “it’s good for prenatal education” are not supported in research today.